Nicholas of Patara, Bishop of Myra (3rd-4th century)

by Fr. Gerardo Cioffari, Centro Studi Nicolaiani, Basilica San Nicola, Bari, Italy

Saint Nicholas icon from Holy Monastery of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, 7th-8th century

To have a complete picture of Nicholas of Myra, first of all one must read the Praxis de stratelatis, without forgetting the other fragmentary episodes and the first biography of Michael the Archimandrite. A fact may transmit something important even after it has been transformed and transfigured by popular fantasy. Certainly there is an alteration of truth, but tradition could preserve some deep message or meaning.

The facts of the life of St. Nicholas that could contain some part of historical truth are the following:

His birth in Patara (source: Michael the Archimandrite)
As monastic commonplaces have to be considered Michael's sentences on the christian parents, Nicholas' christian education and his avoiding conversation with women, as well as the famous episode of his suckling-milk only once on Wednesdays and Fridays. They are all part of the spiritual and moral exhortation on the part of orthodox monasticism. His birth in Patara, one hundred km west of Myra, can be however historically grounded. In fact, there could be no interest for the people of Myra to support a tradition that brought no prestige to their city. And Michael shows no hesitation in making his statement.

The dowry to the the poor girls (source: Sinaitic ms., Michael, Ethiopian manuscripts.
The dowry can be considered historical in its essentials, because its three main recensions (Synaitic, Byzantine and Ethiopic) are very ancient and very different. The most 'ancient seems to be the Synaitic version, that I found in a Russian translation from the Greek by Antonin Kapustin. Here the girls are two, and the boy Nicholas steals money for them from his parents who are still alive. The Ethiopic version has four girls, while the Byzantine tradition (that was adopted in the West as well) has three girls.
Popular election to the Episcopal See of Myra (source: Michael and Gratianus' Decretum)
His popular election should also have some historical basis. In fact, considering the prudence with which canon law moves, it is very likely that the statement of Gratianus' Decretum, according to which St. Nicholas was elected Bishop although only a layman, had documentary support that is unknown to us. The story reported by Michael is in line with the above mentioned statement, trying however to create a miraculous atmosphere in order to seal his election with the will of God. A consequence of his episcopal ordination was the continuous preaching of christian dogma (especially the truth on the Trinity) in pagan territories.
Council of Nicea (source: Theodore the Lector)
The participation in the council of Nicea is affirmed by Theodore the Lector, around 515 A.C. The lack of his name in the most ancient lists makes us suppose as most probable that he took the name not from another list, but from the ancient Life of the Saint quoted by Eustratios of Constantinople in the year 583. As popular developments and edifying episodes have to be considered two stories related to this council. The first is St. Nicholas' speech in order to show the rationality of the dogma of the Trinity. According to him the three persons could coexist in one nature like the three elements (earth, water, fire) in a brick. His argument was confirmed by the miracle of the flame that rested on the brick he had in his hand. A second episode was the slap he gave to Arius for his stubborness, with all the consequences Nicholas had to suffer and enjoy (jail, burning of his beard, apparition of Jesus with the Gospel and the Virgin with the omophorion, liberation by an angel). The slap itself, however, was well in tone with Nicholas' character, as he dealt with other people (the Governor of Myra Eustratios, the Bishop Theognis) in the same energetic way.
Conversion of Theognis (source: Andrew of Crete)
Strangely enough this episode did not enter the Lives of the Saint written between the 8th-10th centuries. And even later it was one of the less known aspects of St. Nicholas life. Andrew of Crete reports the controversy between Nicholas and Theognis as if for the audience it would have been a very well known fact. But, for us it is difficult even to identify this Bishop. He could have been the very Bishop of Nicea, who sympathized with Arius but finally signed the decree against him. He could also be a Bishop of the Gnostic church founded by Markion (the text says τῇϛ Μαρκιωνιστῶν συναγωγὴϛ ὲπίσκοπον), that had its bishops till the fifth century. If the first is the case (Theognis of Nicea), Nicholas could have been his friend, because both were hostile to St. Athanasius. From the Praxis de stratelatis we know in fact that Nicholas was not on friendly terms with the prefect Ablavius (on whom he expressed a very negative opinion), while Athanasius was a friend and expressed a very positive opinion of him
He saves three innocent citizens of Myra condemned to beheading (source: Eustratios of Constantinople 583 a.C., and Passionarium Romanum, 650 a.C.)
A hint to the episode is to be found already in Eustratios of Constantinople, but the first detailed narration seems the one given by a Roman Passionarium written circa 650, mostly a translation from a Greek collection of Lives of Saints. A very ancient version is published by Karl Meisen. The story is very well narrated, and the biographer certainly knew the topography of Myra. An objection was raised by Tillemont in 1699, according to which a rebellion of Taiphales would exclude Myra from the theatre of military operations, that people being of Scytian origin and therefore in the northern countries. But this is a weak objection, because it doesn't take into account that the barbarians at the beginning of the 4th century were everywhere as army mercenaries, and therefore the precence of Taiphales in Phrygia could be a very natural thing.
Intervention in favor of Nepotianus and his friends in jail (source: Eustratios and Passionarium Romanum)
Some of the outstanding figures, like Nepotianos and Ablavius, are well known to the contemporary pagan historians, like Zossimos and Eunapios. In particular they give a negative picture of Ablavius, exactly like the picture given by St. Nicholas' Life. Furthermore, the silence of St. Athanasius on St. Nicholas can be very well explained by their different personalities, Nicholas being more interested in human rights and justice, and therefore against Ablavius (engaged in intolerant religious politics) and his friend Athanasius, concerned with the triumph of religious orthodoxy. Certainly, some aspects of the story, such as the apparitions of Nicholas in the dreams of Constantine and of Ablavius, could be considered as agio graphical devices to raise St. Nicholas to the level of the greatest miracle-workers. The whole story, however, is solidly structured.
Intervention in time of famine by stopping grainships from Alexandria (source: Michael)
This story does not have many elements that could face historical criticism. Apart from the miracle of the grain having the same weight in Constantinople after a part of it had been left in Myra, its very proceeding is too generic and with no concrete elements to root it in the historical context of Myra and of Nicholas. However, according to Jones this episode was in circulation in the sixth century, possibly older than Mariners 6. A later version reports the event as having happened five years after the death of the Saint, with the grain coming from Cyprus. It seems, therefore, that if something really happened, St. Nicholas was only indirectly involved.
Destruction of Artemis' Temple (source: Michael).
Learning the oral tradition on St. Nicholas in Myra, Michael shows knowledge of an important detail: The temple of Artemis in Myra was superior to all temples both in height and in variety of decorations. It is sure that it was so because it is written in the inscriptions of Opramoas of Rhodiapolis, partially described by R. Heberdey in 1897 and published by Ernst Kalinka (Tituli Asiae Minoris) in 1944. Now, the cities of Lycia had different gods and goddesses as main patron, that certainly an agiographer of 8th-9th centuries could not know unless he had personal contact with the people and traditions of that city. The way the Saint acted is in harmony with his energetic character. Although Michael (one of the very few times) speaks of our father Saint Nicholas and of the demons hidden in the temple, the episode, if historically correct, is to be attributed to the Bishop of Myra and not to the monk of Sion.

Another episode is linked to this one, telling of a demon expelled from the temple and trying to have revenge. Disguised as a woman, he approached a group of pilgrims and consigned to them a vase with myron containing, she said, oil to be burned in the church of St. Nicholas in Myra. During the sea voyage the Saint ordered to throw the vase away. A violent tempest arose, that was calmed with the help of Nicholas. The story is one of the first witnesses to the ancient use of making pilgrimages to Myra.
Mariners, saved during a tempest, recognize him in the church (source: Michael)
This episode is narrated by Michael in a particular way. He uses the term Osios (ὁ σὲ ὂσιοϛ τοῦ Χριστοῦ λειτουργόϛ) three times. At first the Saint is not recognized, because he is in humble dress confused with other church-men. Afterwards he proceeds to a spiritual and moral speech, inviting the exercise of virtue. His character is more fitting to Nicholas of Sion than to Nicholas of Myra. It is however an important episode to explain the origins of his patronage to sailors and sea-farers.
Travel to Constantinople to have taxes reduced for the people of Myra (source: Praxis de tributo)
This episode could be attributed to Saint Nicholas because his figure had become legendary among the people of Myra. The memory of important events concerning their city (and of which they had lost documentary evidence of their origin) could have induced the people of Myra to ascribe it to the charismatic figure, to the Forefather whose feast day was yearly solemnly celebrated. The manuscripts are of the 11th century, but Anrich and Falconius date the circulation to the end of the 7th century or to the 8th. Like the Grainships, the Praxis de tributo could have some historical basis, but it is difficult to precise wether the Nicholas in question is the Bishop of Myra or the Bishop of Pinara. It is true that the narration concerns Myra, but the language reflects the monastic atmosphere of the Life of Nicholas of Sion. Saint Nicholas is addressed in terms used for saintly monks of ascetic life. Instead of Agios he is called Osios. He is Ὀ σὲ ὄσιοϛ πατὴρ ἡμῶν Νικόλαοϛ. In Constantinople he visited the temple of the Mother of God at the Blachernes (built about 450); all night he was in prayer. It is likely that the writer was a monk from Constantinople who put together Constantine, the Blachernes, a diffused monastic life, unaware of the fact that by doing so he merged two different men into one person . Now, if Blachernes and monastic life have to be taken seriously, the Nicholas in question can only be the Archimandrite of Sion. If it were an addition of the writer, it could also be St. Nicholas of Myra.

The aforementioned historical facts (Patara, dowry, popular election, Nicea, Theognis, citizens of Myra and Nepotianus), without taking into account other oral traditions of Myra (grainships, mariners, Artemis, taxes and vase of myrrh) collected by Michael the Archimandrite, are more than sufficient to give us a clear idea of Nicholas' personality. This is the path, in my opinion, that historical criticism should follow.

Selected bibliography

Niccolò Carmine FALCONIO, Sancti Confessoris Pontificis et celeberrimi Thaumaturgi Nicolai Acta Primigenia, Neapoli MDCCLI.
Niccolò PUTIGNANI, Istoria della vita, de' miracoli e della traslazione del gran taumaturgo S. Niccolò, Arcivescovo di Mira, Padrone e Protettore della Città e della Provincia di Bari, Napoli 1771.
Antonin KAPUSTIN, Sv. Nikolaj, episkop Pinarskij i archimandrit Sionskij, in "Trudy Kievskoj Duchovnoj Akademii", 1869 (II), pp. 445-497; EFee o Svjatitele Nikolae Mirlikijskom, ibidem, 1873 (IV), pp. 241-288.
Gustav ANRICH, Hagios Nikolaos. Der heilige Nikolaos in der griechischen Kirche. Texte und Untersuchungen, I-II, Leipzig-Berlin 1913/1917.
Benedikt MARX, Procliana, Minster 1940.
Edward SCHWARTZ, Über die Bischoflisten der Synoden von Chalkedon, Nicaea und Konstantinopel, "Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften", Neue Folg, Heft 13 (1937), München 1937, pp. 1-90 (quotation at p. 63).
Günter Christian HANSEN, Theodoros Anagnostes Kirchengeschichte, Berlin 1971.
Charles W. JONES, Saint Nicholas of Myra, Bari and Manhattan. Biography of a Legend, Chicago-London 1978.

Exerpt from The Truth About Saint Nicholas: The Most Ancient Texts in the Light of Recent Historical Criticism by Fr. Gerardo Cioffari o.p., from Saint Nicholas: Documentary evidence in Literature and Archeology. Historical criticism on his identity. A lecture held in Kemer, Turkey, December 4, 1996. Used by permission.